Iranians, because of the way they have been displayed in the media and movies, are perceived by many as a group of uncivilized and uneducated individuals, living in clay huts, riding camels and the enemy of civilization. But the Iranians we now see on our news are certainly not the backward people and civilization presented. They are while Iranian through and through, do not support a regime that continually denies them human rights. They are NOT the politicians and religious leaders who currently rule. They are defiant to the injustices imposed on them. They are people who are kind, gentle, generous and want to take back their rights and democracy.
The fight for their rights has been going on over forty years. Occasionally the protests were televised globally, and the world became sympathetic. But the lack of sympathy and sustained global support for them ended as abruptly as they started when another event was deemed more newsworthy. NOT THIS TIME! Mahsa Amini’s death began a new, fresh, and strong movement, one that rejects forced wearing of the hijab and it is a fight for all the injustices they face by the imposed laws of the mullahs.
For the first time protests around the globe are growing. This time it is not the politician or celebrities who are leading them and seeking notoriety or a vote. This time it is the everyday world citizen who finally understands the crisis of the Iranian people and others who are denied simple freedoms.
Today the violence continues against them, but the movements of support continue to grow stronger. In an Op-Ed, I’ve Protested for Women’s Rights in Iran Since 1979: This Movement Is Different, by Zan Irani, taken from the publication Truthout, she states:
Watching events unfold over social media, I recognized right away that these new women-led protests are different. In the past, we saw individual women defying the authorities by going out in public without their scarves and often being beaten, arrested or ending up in prison. I also thought back to 1979, when I joined thousands of women in Tehran on a chilly day in March celebrating International Women’s Day and protesting new mandatory veiling requirements. Remembering how terrified we were of club-wielding, black-shirted men supporting the government that came after us, I was in awe of these young women today — demanding justice for Mahsa and continuing the struggle that began 43 years ago. Most of them were not even born in 1979! I am elated by their growing numbers and by the many men who are also coming to their support for the movement.
“The violence continues in Iran against unarmed demonstrators, inspired by young women who have challenged the legitimacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Among them and on our screens around the world, a new banner in the struggle for democracy in Iran has been raised along with the rallying cry: “Women, Life, Freedom.” These words signify all that the Islamic Republic denies and fears: respect for women, the sanctity of life over martyrdom, and the right to personal and civil freedoms. We would do well to pay attention and to support the movement that is beginning to create a groundswell of hope…
Let’s hope that this movement remains serious and not one used for political or a photo opportunity!
Below is an article taken from Wikipedia historically reflecting the women’s movements in Iran.
WOMEN’S RIGHTS IN IRAN
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
During the late 20th and early 21st centuries in Iran, women’s rights have been severely restricted, compared with those in most developed nations. The World Economic Forum’s 2017 Global Gender Gap Report ranked Iran 140, out of 144 countries, for gender parity. In 2017, in Iran, females comprised just 19% of the paid workforce, with seven percent growth since 1990. In 2017, the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Index ranked Iran in the bottom tercile of 153 countries. Compared to other South Asian regions, women in Iran have a better access to financial accounts, education, and cellphones. Iran was ranked 116, out of the 153 countries, in terms of legal discrimination against women.
In Iran, women’s rights have changed according to the form of government ruling the country, and attitudes towards women’s rights to freedom and self-determination have changed frequently. With the rise of each government, a series of mandates for women’s rights have affected a broad range of issues, from voting rights to dress code.
The rights and legal status of Iranian women have changed since the early 20th century, especially during the past three systems of government. During the Qajar dynasty that ruled Iran from the late 1800s to the early 20th century, women were isolated; they were not engaged in politics, and their economic contribution was limited to household work. These conditions changed during the Pahlavi dynasty that ruled the country from 1925 to 1979; women won much more freedom. Women’s rights and freedoms were established through the leader’s wishes for Iran to become a more modern, European-style country, although that was mostly applicable on the country’s elites, disregarding the majority of the population. These freedoms were retracted after the 1979 Iranian Revolution. Human Rights Watch said in 2015, “Women’s rights are severely restricted in Iran”. Under Ebrahim Raisi’s tenure, Iranian authorities have increased policing of women’s dress code, leading to decline in women rights.
Legal discrimination
According to the 2017–2018 Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Index, Iran ranked 116 out of 153 countries in terms of legal discrimination. The World Bank’s database, “Women, Business, and the Law”, lists 23 restrictions in Iranian law on married women; this includes “applying for a passport, traveling outside the country, choosing where to live, and being head of the household. Women cannot get a job or pursue a profession in the same way a man can; they cannot be ensured of equal pay for equal work, and there are no laws to restrain gender discrimination in hiring.” The WPS report also states there:
are no laws that penalize or prevent the dismissal of pregnant women from work, nor are there laws that provide rights for paternity or parental leave or tax-deductible payments for childcare. The Iranian Civil Code confers power on a husband to prevent his wife from taking any job found to be incompatible with the family interest or the dignity of the husband or his wife. Women have no legal protection against domestic violence or sexual harassment by anyone, and the constitution has no non-discrimination clause with gender as a protected category.
On 7 March 2019 a Grand Ayatollah Ja’far Sobhani criticized the parliament for debating a law that equalizes the “blood money” for accident victims, regardless of their sex. On 2 July, Masoumeh Ebtekar, the head of Vice Presidency for Women and Family Affairs announced the equalization of the “blood money” for both sexes is legal and all of the courts must observe it.
Financial inclusion
According to the 2017–2018 WPS Index, 90% of women in Iran use cellphones and have “access to financial accounts”. In other South Asian regions, fewer than 40% have this access and a similar percentage women using cellphones.
Income
The per capita income of women in Iran is lower in comparison with that of women in other South Asian regions according to the WPS Index. According to a 2018 World Bank report, the female labor force participation rate has reached 19.8%, a marked improvement despite a wide gender gap.
History
Iran’s history is commonly divided into three segments; pre-Islamic, post-Islamic, and the modern era. Though little is known about Iran’s pre-Islamic history, its recorded history starts with the Achaemenid Empire in 550 B.C.
Achaemenid Empire
During the rule of the Achaemenids, Greek historical accounts state women were able to participate in civic affairs; this participation, however, was limited and considered unusual by the general population. Greek historian Herodotus, after his visit to the Achaemenian Empire, said Persian men and women worked together to manage the affairs of the states and participated in public ceremonies together.
The Persian Constitutional Revolution
During the Qajar and at the beginning of the Iranian Revolution: most women in Persian were second-class citizens with limited if any, rights such as to inheritance or to obtain a basic education. For example, tribal and nomadic groups (like the Kurds, Bakhtiari, Qashqai) allowed their women to interact with men to a certain extent, and even some considered polygamy and Mu’ta (Shia temporary marriage) as undesirable.
Iranian women played a significant role in the Persian Constitutional Revolution of 1905–11. They participated in large numbers in public affairs, and held important positions in journalism and in schools and associations that flourished from 1911 to 1924. Prominent Iranian women who played a vital part in the revolution include Bibi Khatoon Astarabadi, Noor-ol-Hoda Mangeneh, Mohtaram Eskandari, Sediqeh Dowlatabadi, and Qamar ol-Molouk Vaziri.
At the turn of the 20th century, many educated Persian women were attracted to journalism and writing. Danesh (1907) was the first specialized journal focusing on women’s issues. Later, Shokoufeh, Nameie Banovan, Alam e Nesvan, and Nesvan e Vatan Khah were published in Tehran. Moreover, Nesvan e Shargh in Bandar Anzali, Jahan e Zanan in Mashhad, Dokhtaran e Iran in Shiraz, and Peik e saadat in Rasht addressed women’s issues throughout Iran. Although the defeat of the constitutionalists (1921–25) and the consolidation of power by Reza Shah (1925–41) destroyed the women’s journals and groups, the state implemented social reforms such as mass education and paid employment for women during this period. Reza Shah also began his controversial policy of Kashf-e-Hijab, which banned the wearing of the Islamic hijab in public. Like other sectors of society during Reza Shah’s rule, however, women lost the right to express themselves and dissent was repressed.
Pahlavi era
Iranian newspaper clip from 1968 reads: “A quarter of Iran’s Nuclear Energy scientists are women”
In 1925, the military commander Reza Khan overthrew the Qajar dynasty. In the same year, he was declared the Shah of Iran, which marked the beginning of the Pahlavi dynasty era. Iran’s societal structure and the status of women began to improve after the Shah visited Turkey in 1936. The Shah was inspired by the Westernization that was taking place there by the Turkish leader, Atatürk. In a speech he gave upon his return from Turkey, the Shah said; “I am extremely delighted that women have become aware of their rights and entitlement … Now women are on their way to gain other rights in addition to the great privilege of motherhood.” The Shah’s White Revolution helped to increase the legal rights of women.
Islamic Republic
When the Iranian Revolution started in 1977, many women in metropolitan cities marched in protest and wore chadors. Women played a significant role in the success of the revolution. Their role was both praised and encouraged by the revolutionary leader Ruhollah Khomeini, who in a speech stated: “We must not forget the activities which women performed, notably confrontations. Iranian women were able to turn into a revolutionary, political, conscious fighting element through their conscious faith… Truly, women never lagged behind in any area or on any battleground”.
Because the first Pahlavi Shah banned the use of the hijab, many women decided to show their favor of Khomeini by wearing a chador, thinking this would be the best way to show their support without being vocal. Women took part in the Iranian revolution by participating in protests. Organizations supportive of the Islamic Revolution, such as Mujahideen, welcomed women into their organization and gave them essential tasks. Khomeini also encouraged women to take part in the protest against the Shah.
Khomeini’s era
With the rise of Khomeini, women’s roles were limited;[citation needed] they were encouraged to raise large families and tend to household duties. Khomeini believed this to be the most important role women could pursue. Khomeini’s belief led to the closing of women’s centres, childcare centers and the abolition of family planning initiatives. Women were restricted to certain fields of work, such as midwifery and teaching.
Khamenei’s era
After Khomeini’s death, women put pressure on the government to grant more rights to women. Ali Khamenei, who followed Khomeini, took a more liberal approach and enabled women’s advancement by reopening the women’s centers and restoring many of the laws that were repealed after the revocation of Family Protection Laws.
In the May 1997 Iranian presidential election, the overwhelming majority of women voted for Mohammad Khatami, a reformist cleric who promised more political freedoms. His election brought a period during which women became increasingly bold in expressing ideas, demands, and criticisms. The awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to Shirin Ebadi, Iranian human rights and women’s rights activist, further emboldened women’s rights activists in Iran and fixed their relationships with Iranian feminists abroad.
During the Sixth Parliament, some of Iran’s strongest advocates of women’s rights emerged. Almost all of the 11 female lawmakers of the then-270-seat Majlis tried to change some of Iran’s more conservative laws. During the elections for the Seventh Majlis, however, the all-male Council of Guardians banned the 11 women from running for office and only conservative females were allowed to run. The Seventh Majlis reversed many of the laws passed by the reformist Sixth Majlis.
In mid-November 2018 United Nations General Assembly’s Human Rights Committee approved a resolution against Iranian government’s continuous discrimination against women and limitation of freedom of thought.[better source needed]
In late November 2018, a group of UN human rights experts including Javid Rehman U.N. Special rapporteur on human rights in Iran and four other experts raised concerns about Farhad Meysami, who has been on hunger strike since August. He is in jail for opposing the compulsory wearing of the hijab.
On October 2, 2019, the Iranian Guardian Council approved an amendment to the nationality law, in which women married to men with a foreign nationality can confer nationality to their children, following an approval first passed by the Islamic Consultative Assembly in May 2019.
The Information Technology Organization (ITO) as the first Iranian government agency publishes banning guidelines described as “forbidden conduct” including sexual harassment, verbal and physical threats, aggressive behavior, defamation, and intimidation, among other offenses. The guidelines have been adjusted with “Iranian and Islamic values”.
The Islamic Republic in Iran has strict laws about women’s clothing and dancing with men in public (that are not family members). “The use of headscarf in public is mandatory for women while dancing is prohibited.” Several women producing videos of themselves dancing have been arrested and forced to confess for “breaking moral norms” on state TV (which The Guardian says is “a tactic often used by Iranian authorities”). Maedeh Hojabri posted videos on Instagram of her dancing. Her Instagram account was then blocked and she was arrested. Hojabri’s arrest “led to an outcry of support from ordinary Iranians”. In response to protest the Hojabri’s arrest, Iranian women have posted videos of themselves dancing. Rights activists said that Hojabri’s TV confession was a “forced confession of wrongdoing”.
Women are banned from singing in Iran because Shia Muslim clerics believe that “a woman’s singing voice can be erotic”. Women in Iran have been jailed for “singing in public, or publishing their work on social media”.
According to Amnesty International women in Iran face “discrimination in law and practice in relation to marriage and divorce, inheritance, child custody, nationality and international travel”.
Legal rights history
Voting rights
Most initiatives concerning women’s rights during the Pahlavi dynasty began with the White Revolution in 1962, which led to the enfranchisement of women by the Prime Minister Asadollah Alam. A law that gave women limited voting rights, allowing them to vote in local elections, was passed. Khomeini believed this right was state propaganda to hide its dictatorial and fascist nature with democracy and liberalism. According to Khomeini, this law “serves only to mislead the uninformed masses and to cover its crimes”. Khomeini also believed that such power for women was comparable to prostitution. Khomeini led protests about women’s voting rights that resulted in the repeal of the law.
Since the women’s voting rights law was repealed, women were forbidden to participate in a referendum held during the White Revolution. The Minister of Agriculture, however, suggested women’s movement leaders set up a voting booth to voice their suggestions. Though their votes did not count, the high number of women voting persuaded Mohammad Reza Shah to grant women voting rights soon after the referendum. Six women were elected to the parliament in the September 1963 parliamentary election and the Shah appointed two women to serve in the Senate.
After the 1979 Islamic revolution, Khomeini said, “Women have the right to intervene in politics. It is their duty, Islam is a political religion”.
Hijab
The hijab is a veil worn by many Muslim women when interacting with males outside of their immediate families. Before the foundation of the Islamic Republic, women were not required to wear a veil. In 1935, Reza Shah mandated that women should no longer be veiled in public; because of that, a significant number of conservative women became isolated in their houses because they felt going outside without hijab was equivalent to being naked. Conservative women’s dependency grew during this period because they relied on others to run errands.
Compulsory wearing of the hijab was reinstated for Iranian state employees after the 1979 revolution; this was followed by a law requiring the wearing of the hijab in all public spaces in 1983.
Non-conservative women, who had worn the veil as a symbol of opposition during the revolution, had not expected veiling to become mandatory, and when the veil was first made mandatory in February 1979 it was met with protests and demonstrations by liberal and leftist women, and thousands of women participated in a women’s march on International Women’s Day, 8 March 1979, in protest against mandatory veiling. The protest resulted in the temporary retraction of mandatory veiling. When the left and the liberals were eliminated and the conservatives secured solitary control, however, veiling was enforced on all women, with an edict of mandatory veiling in 1981, followed by an Islamic Punishment Law in 1983, introducing a punishment of 74 lashes on unveiled women.
The Guidance Patrol, an undercover law enforcement squad also known as “Morality Police” surveys women in public for dress-code violations. Wearing a headscarf has been strictly enforced in Iran since the Islamic Revolution in 1979. Women who did not wear a hijab or were deemed to be wearing “bad hijab” by having some of their hair showing faced punishments ranging from fines to imprisonment. In December 2017, the Iranian government announced women would no longer be arrested for wearing a “bad hijab” in public, but those not wearing one would have to attend Islam education classes. Though the announcement was viewed as a moderate improvement, the police still targeted activists campaigning against compulsory hijab-wearing.
On November 26, 2018, Nasrin Sotoudeh, a human-rights lawyer and political prisoner being held at Tehran’s Evin Prison, began a hunger strike demanding the release of Farhad Meysami, a doctor who is in jail for protesting compulsory wearing of the hijab. In late 2018 the US State Department condemned the arbitrary arrest of Meisami, who had been on hunger strike since August. In April 2019, Sotoudeh was sentenced to 148 lashes and 38 years in prison for defending opposition activists and women’s rights for not wearing hijabs in public. According to the judge presiding over Sotoudeh’s case, she was punished for “gathering and colluding to commit crimes against national security” and “insulting the supreme leader”.
In August 2019, Iranian civil rights activist Saba Kord Afshari was sentenced to 24 years in prison, including a 15-year term for taking off her hijab in public, which Iranian authorities say promoted “corruption and prostitution”.
Iranian activist Shaparak Shajarizadeh was arrested three times and imprisoned twice for defying Iran’s laws about compulsory hijab. She encouraged men and women to “post images on social media of themselves either wearing white or no headscarf to protest being forced to wear the hijab.” She later fled Iran.
In 2019 three women arrested for “disrespecting compulsory hijab” were sentenced to a total of 55 years and six months by a “Revolutionary Court” in Iran.
In July 2022, Sepideh Rashnu, a writer and artist, was arrested after her video of being harassed on a bus for “improper clothing” was circulated online. She was taken to hospital due to internal bleeding after her arrest, possibly due to torture. Her forced confession was played on local television after the visit to hospital. Dozens of women were arrested after 12 July 2022 for not wearing Hijab.
On 15 August 2022, Iran introduced new restrictions on women’s dress code. The new rules state that the female government employees will be fired if they post their pictures on social media which do not conform to Islamic laws and women publishing their pictures without a hijab on the Internet will be excluded from some social rights for up to a year. President Ebrahim Raisi announced the use of facial recognition technology in public transport to impose new hijab laws. A few days later, a woman died in police custody after being arrested for not wearing the hijab properly, sparking a series of protests.
Marriage law
As part of the White Revolution, Mohammad Reza Shah enacted the Family Protection Laws, a series of laws that included women’s rights to divorce. The laws also raised the minimum marriage age for all and curtailed the custom of polygamy, mandating spousal consent before lawfully marrying a second wife. Under these laws, the right of divorce for women was granted by allowing women to end a marriage if they were unhappy. The law also gave women the right to keep custody of their children and the right to an abortion under certain circumstances, such as rape and risk to the woman’s life.
In 2008, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s administration introduced a “family support bill” that would have allowed men to marry a second wife without his first wife’s permission and put a tax on Mariyeh—which is seen by many women “as a financial safety net in the event a husband leaves the marriage and is not forced to pay alimony”. In September 2008, Iran’s judiciary returned the tax bill to the legislative council with complaints about the polygamy and tax articles, which removed from the bill.
Marriage laws in Iran continue to be difficult to change permanently due to the role family plays in Islamic societies. Tradition is key in Islamic society; to attempt to change a tradition and keep the change applicable, it must occur many times.
Divorce law
Divorce law in Iran was initially based upon the general rule in Shari’a law that gives men the sole right to end a marriage at any time. This is based on Article 1133 of the previous Civil Code (1928) that states: “A man can divorce his wife whenever he wishes to do so”. This law was modified in 1967 by the Family Protection Act that granted women more rights in divorce and made private divorces illegal. The 1967 Act included the right to apply for a divorce under specific conditions; Article 1130 of the Civil Code gave courts more power to grant a judicial divorce requested by a woman and in circumstances in which the wife could attain power of attorney and expedite the divorce process.
In modern-day Iran, divorce can be obtained by both men and women, and the custody of children is given to the parent determined by a judge.